Anarchist Foundations Overview:

Principles and Praxis of Libertarian Socialism

PRINCIPLES & FRAMEWORKS

Anarchism emerged as the anti-state wing of the socialist movement, which is commonly referred to as libertarian socialism. Anarchists, without exception, are libertarian socialists committed to the belief that a fundamentally different society and economic system is not only possible but necessary. We strive for a horizontal, stateless, classless, socialist society free from domination that is grounded in the principles of solidarity, self-management, direct democracy, ecological sustainability, and cooperation.Anarchists are opposed to all structures of hierarchical domination, including capitalism, the state, white supremacy, heteropatriarchy, imperialism, and settler colonialism. We believe that a new society can only be brought into being through social revolutionary pressure generated by the direct action of independent mass movements, encompassing dual power structures, prefigurative politics, and large scale general strikes.

Frameworks - Bullet Points

● Classless Society: Abolition of class society and establishment of a libertarian socialist economy based on the collectivization of resources and economic power.● Power to the People: Abolishing hierarchical systems in favor of horizontal(i.e. non-hierarchical), self-managed structures that prioritize collective decision-making and individual autonomy, empowering people to have control over their lives.● Popular Councils: Abolition of state top-down structures and establishment of council-based decision-making structures → Councils are elected by the workers of a self managed union or residents of a region to see their interests voiced through direct democracy (with an imperative mandate & recallable delegate).● Anarchist Federalism: Independent Communes / Districts / Regions join together with councils at higher and higher levels in order to make increasingly complex decisions while maintaining autonomy on the regional level keeping decision-making horizontal, decentralized and for all.● "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs:" Free and fair distribution of social wealth and essential services like healthcare, education, housing, food, utilities etc. and distribution of creative and productive tasks.● Individual Autonomy: Upholding the freedom of individuals to make choices about their own lives, including unrestricted bodily autonomy and self-expression, free from coercion in personal and bodily decisions.

DETAILED FRAMEWORKS

Concisely Defining Anarchism
Anarchism is the opposition to hierarchical power structures, the framework for locating and understanding them, and the method by which we might dismantle and replace those hierarchical power structures with a horizontal society of free association, controlled together by the people.Abolishing Class Society
Capitalist societies, like the feudal and slave-based systems before them, divide people into distinct classes with differing economic positions and social power. Libertarian socialists highlight the power divide between the capitalist class(also referred to as the bourgeoisie) i.e. those who own the factories, land, or housing and control decisions about our work and life, -and the wage-earning class - that is us, the workers, who have to sell their labor for a wage in order to make ends meet. Over time, class divisions have become more complex, with some workers holding shares in corporations or managers earning more than small-scale capitalists. Yet for anarchists, the solution remains clear: class society must be abolished, no matter what it looks like. This means the abolition of private property i.e, the private ownership of factories, businesses, land etc. which should instead be collectively owned and controlled by the workers themselves. Only through this collective ownership, can we take back control of our lives ensuring that decisions about work, production, and resources benefit everyone and are made collectively, instead of for the profit of the capitalist class.Popular Councils
In an anarchist society, decisions are made through a horizontal federation of autonomous popular councils/assemblies. These councils are built from the ground up, starting at the regional level and expanding to higher-level councils in a federation. At the regional level, people gather in assemblies to make choices on issues that affect them using horizontal direct democracy. That would be, for example, on the distrobution of goods, assessment and planning of production, the code of conduct of the association or the question of regional projects like building a community center, environmental conservation projects, the distribution of work shifts in a company or the organization of the renovation of our common houses and public spaces. Councils should operate free from the authority of hierarchical political parties, excluding them from participation. The directly democratic decision-making should reflect the collective interests, rejecting simple majoritarianism and striving for consensus when possible. To anarchsits, direct democarcy is a form of collective deliberation based on full and equal participation, allowing individuals to directly participate in the decision-making, fostering autonomy and critical thought, ensuring that all voices are heard, and no one is subordinated, unlike in hierarchical systems.Anarchist Federalism
Of course, there are also questions that are more complex, for this we use federalism. Libertarian socialists use 'federalism' differently from its modern establishment usage, instead drawing on 19th-century anarchist thinkers like Proudhon, Peter Kropotkin and many others. In this context, federalism is important for anarchists to operate effectively on a larger scale. Instead of capitalist or statist hierarchy, self-management (i.e. direct democracy) would be the guiding principle of the freely associated federation. Whether it's the previously agreed on construction of public infrastructure or the fair distribution of goods: it takes complex global networking and consultation. When it comes to a complex division of labor, such as for example the production of a tram, the affected companies in the supply chain would find common solutions by sending delegates to a federation council. These delegates, unlike traditional representatives, are always recallable and hold no personal power, they carry out council decision and can be recalled at any time if they stray from their directive. This directive is directly voted on and sets guidelines or specific instructions the delegates must follow, ensuring they stay accountable to their community. If discussions take place at a higher level council, outcomes are shared back with the community for review and amendments. The final ratification happens on the base level of the popular councils. Through this federation of councils, all affected people collectively shape decisions, while each commune maintains its autonomy.This works on one hand through councils at higher and higher levels of the federation and on the other hand through the independence of its lower councils. If this independence were not given, there would quickly be a tendency to shift work to specific co-ops or regions. To see where this leads, we only need to look at the relationship between regions and businesses in capitalism. Nationalist movements, competition, and alienation from the global community would be the result. So anarchist federalism relies on mutual respect for each commune's autonomy, ensuring that decisions reflect collective interest without centralizing power."From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs"
Social tasks, i.e. work, would be distributed freely and fairly among all, just like wealth. This also means that goods and resources are accessible to everyone, to be used according to each person’s needs. This also includes things like healthcare, education, housing, food, and access to utilities such as water, electricity, and internet. While in capitalism, these most basic essentials are turned into commodities sold to the highest bidder while the rest of us are forced to go without. Housing is treated as an investment opportunity for landlords and corporations, leading to countless empty unused houses and high rents while families struggle to keep a roof over their heads. Similarly, food waste piles up in landfills while millions go hungry, all because profits matter more than people’s needs. This also extends to things like healthcare, which is either underfunded or access is dictated by what you can afford, not what you need. Similarly, education which is either burdened with crushing debt or left extremly underfunded, and utilities like water and electricity, which are fundamental to life are privatized, leaving many to choose between paying bills or putting food on the table. These aren’t personal failings, they are the consequence of a system designed to prioritize profit over people.In an anarchist society, these essentials are seen as basic human rights, enabling everyone to live free, to self actualize and fulfill their potential. Anarchism strives for a society in which everyone has the freedom to choose meaningful activities and pursue creative development. However, for this to be sustainable, these efforts need to be coordinated through a system of councils and federations to ensure balanced production and prevent any one group or union from becoming overburdened. This also includes reproductive and caregiving work, which has historically inequitably fallen primarily on women. In such a system, our work and production are not driven by the profit motives of capitalists at the expense of workers well-being. Instead, our collective goal becomes supporting the well-being of all people and the community as a whole.Individual Autonomy & Accountability
Anarchism values individual autonomy as essential to its ideals, ensuring individuals can act freely as long as their actions impact only themselves and do not impact others. In an anarchist society, absolute freedom of self-expression, love, and identity - allowing individuals to live authentically and define their own lives without coercion is considered a fundamental civil right. This principle of autonomy also supports the recognition of abortion as a civil right, full legalization of drugs, ownership of firearms, the allowance of sports fighting, the recognition of both suicide and assisted suicide etc. though we should implement systems to mitigate potential harm and ensure that choices are informed and non-exploitative.Conversely, when individuals make decisions that affect others, they are held accountable for the outcomes, whether acting as an individual or part of another democratic body. This principle fundamentally undermines the justification for capitalism, as private ownership of workplaces and wage labour inherently impacts others involuntarily, under threat of losing housing, healthcare, education, food, and other basic living conditions. This also extends to the topic of property rights: individuals may own personal belongings, but they may not own anything which is communally operated. People would be free to treat their own bodies as they wish, but must bear responsibility when their actions impact others.

HISTORY & MOVEMENT

Anti-capitalist movements have appeared throughout history, but the anarchist movement emerged as the libertarian wing of socialism within the growing labor struggle. Its emergence was closely tied to the International Workingmen's Association also known as the First International in the late 1860s, where the split between the authoritarian socialists and the libertarian socialists emerged. Various currents of anarchist thought, emerged during this time, including Anarcho-Mutualism, Anarcho-Syndicalism, and Anarcho-Communism. These currents are not in strong opposition, they often overlap and support each other, each emphasizing different aspects of anti-capitalist theory and practice. All key theorists were also revolutionaries who fought within the workers’ movement. As an ideological current of anarchism, Anarcho-Communism truly solidified in the late 19th century, quickly becoming the dominant current of anarchism, strongly influenced by Mikhail Bakunin’s work. Anarcho-Communism placed more emphasis on class struggle and argured that a communist(i.e. stateless, classless, moneyless) society can only be achieved thru anarchism. It received further influences from revolutionary Marxism, with which it was in lively exchange, both practically and theoretically. Pyotr Kropotkin, renowned for his concept of mutual aid, was central to its development. As Anarcho-Communism became the dominant form of anarchism, it influenced theorists like Errico Malatesta, Emma Goldman and Erich Mühsam, and more importantly the minds of the revolutionary masses in the two great anarchist revolutions of the 20th century in Europe. For example, both in Catalonia & Aragon during the Spanish Revolution (1936-1939), anarchist unions and militias expropriated the capitalist class, established self-managed communes, with around two thousand enterprises collectivized in catalonia alone and directly controlled by workers' committees through systems of direct democracy, all organized into horizontal planning councils like the Economic Council of Catalonia. Also, during the previous revolution which established the Free Territory (Makhovshchina) (1918-1921) in Ukraine, where the revolution led to the creation of the "Free Soviets" anarchist popular council structures that acted independently from any central authority, excluding all political parties from participation, and met to self-manage the production & activities of workers and peasants through direct democracy. Here, revolutionaries like Nestor Makhno and Peter Arshinov refined strategies for revolutionary organization after the betrayal by the USSR.

Today Anarcho-Communism(aka. Libertarian Communism) is the most important and influential anarchist current and is represented in countless worldwide anarchist groups and regional federations. These federation often also represent anarchist liberation movements like Anarcha-Feminism or Black Anarchism. Today, more libertarian socialist organizations are emerging worldwide, actively engaging in union organizing, building community councils and fostering cooperative networks. Through this the libertarian socialist movement has been strengthening collective power from the ground up, making solidarity and mutual aid the backbone of our movement. In an international context, libertarian socialist movements have emerged in various regions, such as the EZLN - Zapatista Autonomous Municipalities in Mexico, where communities built a local autonomous-council alternative to state control based on a libertarian socialist outlook with a heavy focus on indigenous rights called "Neozapatismo." Similarly, in Rojava, the revolution established the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria amid the Syrian Civil War, they strive to build a libertarian socialist society focused on gender equality, communal control of resources and decentralized directly democratic structures like grassroots popular councils that are in tune with nature and their communities. While Rojava's revolutionary goals are still in conflict, and dealing with discrepancies as is the case with any revolutionary society facing real-world conditions, Rojava's self-management shows how libertarian socialist ideals can even thrive in the most difficult of conditions. Anarchists can learn a great deal from Rojava's tactics, resilience, and how they're building an alternative society through this constant adversity. Amidst all of this, anarchism is reemerging as a relevant revolutionary force on the international stage again, offering tangible alternatives through grassroots organizing & building of dual power.

{General List of Contemporary & Historical Social Revolutionary Activity. }

Anarchist Analysis of the State
The state is a centralized top down hierarchical institution that inherently perpetuates minority class rule, which maintains its power both by a monopoly of violence and through the transmission and reproduction of statist power relationships throughout society, Kropotkin, for example, writes that the state “not only includes the existence of a power situated above society, but also of a territorial concentration and a concentration of many functions in the life of societies in the hands of a few... A whole mechanism of legislation and of policing is developed to subject some classes to the domination of other classes.” The state is therefore “the perfect example of a hierarchical institution, developed over centuries to subject all individuals and all of their possible groupings to the central will. The State is necessarily hierarchical & authoritarian - or it ceases to be the State.”

The anarchist understanding of the state, unlike the authoritarian conception, avoids the overly broad and idealist framing and instead the anarchist analysis focuses on the concrete, contemporary, and historical features of the state, describing it mechanically as it exists in practice rather than imposing ideological or abstract attributes onto it.From these mechanical features inherent to the state, anarchists identify the state as fundamentally antithetical to revolutionary goals. Anarchists conclude that the presence of these features in the revolutionary process leads to the death of the revolution itself.The counter-revolutionary effects of the state are elaborated upon in the next section.

Why reject the state to transition to anarchy/communism?
Understanding the Libertarian Socialist Opposition to Centralization for Revolutionary Change

A common falsehood often spread by unedcuated leftist and authoritarian socialists is that anarchists "skip" the transition phase to communism. In reality, anarchists reject the transition state and vanguard rule, not a transitional phase itself. No one believes that full anarchism/communism will be brought about over night or can be instantly established. Instead anarchist have always wanted to establish the structures from which communism would emerge from, in practice this means the transition must be rooted in libertarian socialism, rejecting the centralization in state structures. Most authoritarian socialists fail to understand why anarchists fundamentally reject centralized states and vanguard parties for revolutionary change. The following text provides an overview of the reasons libertarian socialists oppose centralization to enact this change, instead making use of horizontal decentralized systems that are based on prefigurative politics.

1. The State is Counter-Revolutionary:
Libertarian socialists and authoritarians socialists have fundamentally different understandings of the role of the state. Authoritarian socialists cling to the dangerous illusion that the state is simply a tool by which one class suppresses another class that, when seized, can be used to create a "workers state," to liberate the working class and oppress the bourgeoisie. (Note: The Marxist understanding of class is narrower, while the Anarchist understanding encompasses the Marxist definition but is broader overall.) This understanding of the state is not only naive but reckless. The state, by its very nature, is a mechanism of centralized power that is designed to suppress direct control by the people. It entrenches power in the hands of bureaucrats who, as members of an insulated governing structure, holds different relations to power and develop interests that are inherently opposed to the broader working class. The state apparatus, by design, exists to undermine revolutionary change and should never be empowered through centralization. It must be recognized as an inherently counter-revolutionary force, one that, like capitalism, must be relentlessly challenged, dismantled, and decentralized at every stage during the transition process. Far from being a tool for liberation, the state must be weakened and pushed back continuously, ultimately aiming for its abolition as a genuine transition to a communist society. Thus, the misguided authoritarian concept of a "workers state" is not just wrong but turns them into collaborators with the very class structures they claim to oppose, reinforcing the same class hierarchies under a different banner while maintaining the illusion of revolution.State socialists often argue that these representatives or bureaucrats would still be workers, thus not forming a distinct ruling class, completely ignoring the fact that, as part of a governing hierarchy, their interests inevitably diverge from the working class. Bakunin replied to this argument by insisting that such individuals are “former workers, who, as soon as they become rulers or representatives of the people, will cease to be workers and will begin to look upon the whole worker's world from the heights of the state. They will no longer represent the people but themselves and their own pretensions to govern the people.” Those who hold power are structurally inclined to consolidate and use it for their own benefit, often at the expense of the masses freedom and well-being. As a result the state, no matter who is in position of authoritarian rule, will always reinforce class hierarchies, rendering it fundamentally incapable of advancing toward a truly communist society. Rudolf Rocker for example wrote: "Just as the functions of the bodily organs of plants and animals cannot be arbitrarily altered, so that, for example, one cannot at will hear with his eyes and see with his ears, so also one cannot at pleasure transform an organ of social oppression into an instrument for the liberation of the oppressed. The state can only be what it is: the defender of mass exploitation and social privileges, the creator of privileged classes and castes and of new monopolies. Who fails to recognize this function of the state does not understand the real nature of the present social order at all, and is incapable of pointing out to humanity new outlooks for its social evolution."2. Why use Prefigurative Structures? / Means and Ends:
The connection between Means and Ends is essential in pursuing the vision of a stateless, classless and horizontal society. To quote Bookchin:-"There can be no separation of the revolutionary process from the revolutionary goal." Human beings engage in activities that transform themselves and the world around them. The means used to achieve our goals must align with the desired end state. If revolutionaries use inappropriate means, they may inadvertently create a society different from their original intentions. Revolutionaries therefore have to use means that are constituted by forms of practice that will actually transform individuals into the kinds of people who will be able to and want to create a stateless, classless, horizontal society. If revolutionaries make the mistake of using the wrong or inappropriate means, then they will produce people who will create a different society to the one they initially intended.To quote Malatesta:
"It is not enough to desire something; if one really wants it, adequate means must be used to secure it. And these means are not arbitrary, but instead cannot but be conditioned by the ends we aspire to and by the circumstances in which the struggle takes place, for if we ignore the choice of means we would achieve other ends, possibly diametrically opposed to those we aspire to, and this would be the obvious and inevitable consequence of our choice of means. Whoever sets out on the highroad and takes a wrong turning does not go where he intends to go but where the road leads him."Many Anarchists argue that the state, like all social structures, is constituted by forms of human activity and so participating in the state produces and reproduces particular kinds of people and particular kinds of social relations. This occurs irrespective of the intentions or goals of people because what matters is the nature of the social structure they are participating in and the forms of activity this social structure is constituted by and reproduced through. Socialists who enter the state “have placed themselves in determinate conditions that in turn determine them.” - Reculus.
Those who wield state power will therefore engage in forms of human activity that will over time transform them into oppressors of the working class who are concerned with reproducing and expanding their power over other people. Anarchists held that this process of socialists being transformed into oppressors would occur both to socialists who are elected into the currently existing capitalist state and also to socialists who attempt to seize the existing state via a coup and transform it into a "workers state".The state not only has a negative effects on those who wielded its power. It also harm the vast numbers of people who are subject to it by making them engage in forms of practice that did not develop them into the kinds of people needed for a communist society. This is because instead of learning how to self-organize their lives effectively workers are subject to the power of a ruling minority and so are forced to do as instructed. They learn to obey and defer to their superiors rather than to think and act for themselves. Instead of learning how to associate with others as equals they learn to put those in power on a pedestal and venerate them in just the same way that people under capitalism learn to hero worship so-called ‘captains of industry’ or political figureheads like the British royal family. As Bakunin wrote, -“power corrupts those invested with it just as much as those compelled to submit to it.”This commitment to aligning means with ends is why anarchists have embraced prefigurative politics in building organizations and dual-power structures. The use of prefigurative politics in these structures is a form of human activity that reproduces egalitarian, horizontal social relations. Even within the constraints of capitalist society or the limitations of a socialist transitional society, these prefigurative structures need to strive to engage in horizontal, participatory forms of action that reinforce the horizontal social framework they envision for the future.3. Corruption and Benevolent Rulers:
Most statists tend to lack any analysis of "Means and Ends" meaning the re-&production of certain social relations and argue that in the framework of a revolutionary vanguard party, class conscious socialist rulers could truly represent the workers, claiming that the real challenge is to keep corrupt individuals out of power. Anarchists, however, see corruption as a product of hierarchical systems themselves. Even under a so-called "benevolent rulers" hierarchies are inherently fragile to corruption, as people who don’t prioritize the public good will inevitably gain executive power. Anarchists argue that "getting the right people in power" is futile because the system itself incentivizes corruption, once inside, individuals gain disproportionate control over how power is distributed, often using it for personal or factional interests. There is no one person, vanguard or state that can "represent" the people, this is a liberal mythology to justify the hierarchical structure of republic governance. Hierarchical systems are inherently structured to reward power consolidation, leading to a concentration of unchecked authority at the top and diminishing accountability to those below. But even if "class conscious benevolent rulers" genuinely committed to representing workers and advancing socialism gain power, such a system is doomed to fail on a long enough timeframe. Eventually, individuals who lack this commitment can rise to power, whether through "democratic" processes or party politics. Centralizing power in a single figure or institution creates a critical failure point where a single person or a small group of people can subvert the whole revolution. This makes the system vulnerable to coups, imperialist sabotage, or the rulers's removal. If the "benevolent rulers" are deposed, the entire structure becomes vulnerable, leaving it ripe for manipulation or control by foreign interests. This failure point can be time and time again seen in state "socialist" experiments like the USSR or China where rulers became detached from the people or were replaced by such people over the years to come. Centralization ultimately creates a inherent failure point in the system and undermines the resilience and autonomy of movements needed for lasting social change. Thus, even well intentioned progress towards socialism can be quickly undone when those with self-serving motives assume control.4. Self-Perpetuation of the State:
The Leninist notion that a centralized state could ever "wither away" is a naive fantasy unsubstantiated in reality. It ignores a core principle of political power dynamics, that centralized authority, once established, becomes self-preserving and expansionist by nature. Instead of withering, a state apparatus structured to enforce "proletarian dictatorship" through a vanguard party will inevitably seek to perpetuate its control, as it creates layers of loyal bureaucracy and rigid hierarchies whose survival depends on the continuation and growth of state power. Rather than dissolving, such states historically entrench themselves, transforming into sprawling authoritarian systems that prioritize their own preservation over any emancipatory ideals they claimed to represent.The power of the state is what allows those people to act in their self-interest. Therefore, it is in the interest of all people that currently operate the state, to perpetuate the power of the state. With this in mind, each time the power of the state is threatened, those who operate the state will have a tendency to obstruct that threat. But every power structure that exists, is competition for the state. Thus, the state stands at odds with any structure which may threaten its control over society. The masses, however, have an inherent power in their numbers and in their primary function as the laborers that make society run. So, the state will always have an institutional tendency to view the masses as a threat to the unitary power of the state. And, therefore, the state will always seek to control and suppress the latent power of the masses, except when it serves the interests of the state.Closing Words:
These observations and predictions by theorists like Bakunin, Malatesta, Kropotkin, and Rocker and history has shown this to be true time and time again.The state inevitably reproduces hierarchies, it is not a neutral tool to be seized, its a structure designed to maintain class structures and protect existing power relations. Authoritarian theorists cling to the idea of a centralized state fail to grasp the nature of the state itself. The only real path to communism is through the complete destruction of capitalist power and the dismantling of the state apparatus, this is what all socialism should be about. Only by embracing a libertarian socialist process focused on decentralization and directly democratic self-management of the workers can we begin the process of transitioning to a truly stateless, classless society. Leninist vanguardist ideology and its offshoots must be firmly rejected and discarded into the trash bin of history, alongside other reactionary and counter-revolutionary experiments that perpetuate oppressive class systems and fail to deliver genuine transformation.

What is a modern-day social revolution?

1.Skepticism on Revolution in a Modern Nation-State?
The first problem already arises with the doubt about whether a revolution is even possible.
Skepticism and pessimism about the possibility of a social revolution in First-World nations are common. Phrases like “We need a socialist revolution, but it’ll never happen here,” or “Isn’t the working class too ‘privileged’ to revolt?” often reflect this. For example many claim the USA, is too "powerful" and "stable" for revolution. Yet history shows no system is unbreakable. If revolution can happen in the imperial core it enshrines that change is possible everywhere. After decades of anti-capitalist ideology in schools and media, coupled with the post-WWII economic boom that dulled class consciousness and weakened unions, it's easy to assume the US will remain capitalist forever. However, the tide is turning, and even the world's most powerful imperialist nation is not immune to the onset of a revolutionary situation that challenges the power of the ruling class. The german revolution of April 1919 declaring the Bavarian Council Republic, along with the British General Strike of 1926, demonstrate that even in the strongest economic centers of capitalism, its inherent contradictions can not be overcome. Remarkably, in 1968, France a nation celebrated for its high living standards, experienced the largest revolutionary general strike in history, despite being in a period of economic prosperity., revealing that it is not merely the absolute level of poverty or deprivation that ignites such movements. Instead, it is the persistent contradictions of the system leading to instability & oppression that drives the masses toward a tipping point. Over time, the constant cycles of exploitation, inequality, and insecurity push the working class to recognize that the existing system does not exist to address their needs or resolve their struggles and realize that the only solution is to take matters into their own hands, sparking the conditions necessary for revolution. If that weren’t enough, we must remember that consciousness evolves over time and is shaped by events. A 2023 poll found that 11% of Americans over 28 million adults support communist economics. This shows a significant support for communist radical-left ideas in a country with limited class consciousness and weak worker organization. Recent history also shows a clear trajectory: the 2011 Occupy movement, rooted in anarchist principles like consensus direct-democracy & self-management, brought masses to the streets and reignited interest in anarchism. Similarly, the BLM protests, rising labor actions, and unionization efforts reveal that economic and political instability fuel liberatory movements and intensify class struggle. The question isn’t “if” a revolution will happen, but “when” and whether we’ll be prepared. Afterall we dont simply want a politcal revolution or coup, we want a "social revolution.",2.What is a social revolution?
In order to understand what social revolution is, it is helpful first to distinguish it from political revolution.
Political revolution-examples of which include the French Revolution, the Revolutions of 1848, and later state communist revolutions such as Cuba etc. involves the total seizure of state power. This swapping of one ruling minority for another may result in alterations to the structures of domination, but it is not capable of uprooting and destroying them, for this a strong movement is needed. This is precisely because the state itself is fundamentally a structure of domination, not a neutral instrument which can be seized upon and used for emancipatory ends. A social revolution is marked by both destruction and creation. It destroys-with the aim of preventing its future reemergence-the total system of domination. This includes the immediate abolition of the state and the capitalist mode of production along with private property and the active overturning of old cultural norms, as well as the destruction of social classes and all other forms of domination such as white supremacy, settler colonialism, and patriarchy. These acts of destruction are intertwined with a process of creation. The means by which the system of domination is destroyed are themselves the same means through which a libertarian socialist society will be born. In other words, when the front of dominated classes have accumulated the necessary social force to initiate this final confrontation with the system of domination, it will take place primarily in the institutions where social movements are rooted-our workplaces, schools, neighborhoods, prisons-in some cases expropriating and placing them under self management and in others razing them.3.When? & How?
The dominated classes accumulate the necessary social force and organization to carry out a social revolution by engaging in the everyday battles of class struggle through social movements. Anarchist revolutionaries, inserted in these social movements, work to orient them to our principles and to unite them into a broad front of dominated classes aimed at attacking the system of domination. We refer to the ability of these social movements, after having accumulated sufficient force and organization, to challenge the structures of domination as popular power. Having achieved popular power and engaged in careful preparation, the front of oppressed classes (the broad front of social movements acting together) can seize upon an opportune moment of upheaval to heighten it and transform it into a truly revolutionary rupture. The role of the revolutionary anarchist organization begins long before a social revolution takes place. Its members participate in social movements to shape them, infuse them with our principles, and prepare them for the confrontation that social revolution entails. That does not mean we want to impose an exact absolute vision on the revolutionary process, but principles of self management, federalism, and socialism must be core to a social revolution. For the social revolution to build up enough dual power and successfully sustain itself during the process of a revolutionary rupture, we must build resilient dual power structures on a large scale.

What is Dual Power / Counter Power?
When anarchists, libertarian communists & socialists, and other revolutionaries discuss revolution, the concept of "Dual Power" is often described as a critical step - but what exactly does "Dual Power" mean?Dual Power, sometimes referred to as Counter Power by anarchists to differentiate it from its leninist origins, in its broadest sense, describes a situation where two or more competing political frameworks exist in the same territory at the same time. It implies a high level of popular mobilization, in which large numbers of people participate in alternative institutions set up outside and against those of the state. One of capitalism’s most insidious mechanisms has been making us dependent on our exploiters for survival, this is why it is crucial to build "Dual Power Structures", alternatives to provide for ourselves outside of our current framework.So what does it mean to build "Prefigurative Dual Power Structures?"
Establishing prefigurative dual power structures involves creating and connecting institutions of direct participatory democracy to challenge the existing systems of state and capitalist power, with the ultimate aim of achieving a revolutionary break. This process of building counter-institutions includes:•Establishing regional popular councils as alternative decision-making bodies to replace statist structures, ensuring that during a revolutionary rupture we have a viable alternative. These structures should be organized horizontal where power is held collectively and decisions are made democratically from the ground up rather than by centralized authorities. (A good overwiew for implementing this during large-scale uprisings can be found in The Formation of Local Councils by Omar Aziz).•Developing strike power through radical unions and independent workers' councils, which can halt capitalist production and transition economic control directly to workers during revolutionary upheaval.•Organizing defense militias as alternatives to state-controlled military and police forces, providing protection for revolutionary movements against state repression and counter-revolutionary forces. These militias would need to recruit & train new members locally to ensure sustainable, community-led defense and preparedness.•Establishing community emergency services, such as medical training programs and first-aid networks, to provide immediate care and ensure communities can remain resilient when systems are disrupted. This includes training more people locally to handle medical emergencies and build a local healthcare infrastructure.•Establishing food supply centers and mutual aid distribution networks to sustain communities during periods of economic disruption and ensure that resources remain accessible when state or capitalist supply chains collapse.

How Would Anarchism Defend Itself?
This examples is about a internal organization model for a libertarian socialist military designed to defend a revolutionary society from external threats, particularly from reactionary, imperialist capitalist forces. This model is based on historical examples, incorporating flexible organizational principles and empowering the collective within the military structure unlike traditional hierarchical command systems.Each militia would be part of and federated thru popular councils and operate with a horizontal structure, empowering members to make decisions autonomously, with temporary delegation of authority that can be revoked or reassigned as needed. This model allows for quick responses to changing certain conditions changing, unlike hierarchical rigid structures that can easily suffer delays due command chains. The decentralization of decision-making leads to more adaptability so militias can adjust tactics and strategies in real time based on the circumstances. While they keep their autonomy they would also be federated into the larger organized network to coordinate with other militias across regions. At each level of federation, elected commanders coordinate activities, but the autonomy of individual militias is preserved. Militias keeping the right to challenge directives that conflict with their immediate needs is extremely important and a huge advantage over traditional hierarchical forces facing paralysis in the absence of clear top-down orders. The decentralized structure ensures that militias can operate as independent cells, maintaining functional continuity even when central coordination is temporarily unavailable. This model is flexible and scalable, making sure militias can function both independently and within a larger, coordinated network. When faced with heightened threats or larger-scale combat, militias can just as well coordinate to concentrate forces where and when they’re needed most.While this model is rooted in libertarian socialist principles, it is flexible enough to allow for temporary command structures if the militia members decide the context calls for it. In times of heightened threat or urgency, central decision-making can be introduced, but these positions would be designed to be temporary and voted in with the understanding that they will dissolve once their specific, short-term function has been fulfilled. Like this the system remains aligned with libertarian principles, while still gaining the coordination necessary to address a specific context/situation. This model isn’t purely anarchist either, similar tactics have been successful throughout history, even within statist militaries. For example, guerilla tactics in Vietnam, Cuba, and China used decentralized groups to resist imperial powers. These smaller, independent units were key to maintaining resilience and flexibility, even when federated. This approach has also been tested contexts, such as in the CNT-FAI during the Spanish Civil War, where militias managed to organize a substantial fighting force with minimal reliance on centralized authority.The goal in starting a militia for defense today, right here, right now, is to create small, autonomous units capable of independent action. Regional cells could teach combat skills, medical support, mechanics, and coordination. Over time, they would evolve into a stronger, decentralized system that adapts as needed. Prototyping anarchist militias in the here and now is important, its not about creating a final structure, but to start building local militias and training for the future to prefigure parts of a revolutionary society and making sure the movement is prepared for challenges.

A Anarchist Resolution to Crime & Justice
1.Anarchist criminology
Our bourgeois justice systems are formalized networks of power relations designed to serve the ruling class by enforcing social control through laws, police, courts, and prisons, primarily in the interest of capitalist economics. In the revolutionary process, a libertarian socialist society would dismantle the existing bourgeois police, the carceral state and its bourgeois judiciary structures, rejecting the need for a centralized authority. Unlike authoritarian socialists, we reject the replacement of the existing system with a new ruling class or centralized state apparatus to ensure a code of conduct that guarantees security and freedom for all. Instead Anarchist criminology support systems rooted in prevention, grassroots community control, centered around collective responsibility and community-led security initiatives. This approach prioritizes preventing crime through the elimination of the socio-economic conditions that often drive criminal behavior like poverty, inequality, and lack of access to resources. It is rooted in a materialist, grounded perspective, which recognizes that every action has a cause and effect. From this view, crime is not an inherent moral failing but a consequence of material failures, whether directly, such as through poverty, or indirectly, such as the long-term impact of these conditions on mental health and community stability. By addressing these material causes, we aim to abolish their effects, tackling crime at its source. Redistributing the hoarded wealth of capitalist class and ensuring that everyone’s material needs are met would address the root causes of the large majority of crime, significantly reducing it to a minuscule point.2.Community Self Defense
However, while prevention is the most important focus, we acknowledge that some crimes, would still occur. In such cases, justice and security would not revert to punitive measures but would instead focus on community-led rehabilitation and restorative justice. This would involve the establishment of social emergency services, therapeutic facilities, and supports systems to help individuals who commit violent offenses. For more severe violent crimes, such as reactionary violence against the revolution, murder, rape, special measures would be required, involving community discussions to determine the most appropriate course of action, including preventive detention and rehabilitation. Ultimately, the aim is to create a society based on cooperation and mutual aid, where safety and justice are ensured not through authoritarian control but through communal effort, a focus on healing, and an unwavering commitment to social reintegration. The shift from a punitive justice system to one based on collective responsibility and restorative practices ensures fairness, safety, and long-term security without the need for a centralized state apparatus.So what happens in an actively violent situation? In a libertarian socialist commune, one possible approach to handling an active violent threat to others would involve community-defense militias, which are directly subordinate to and accountable to the commune itself. These militias would not operate as an external force, but as part of the community, working to intervene and prevent harm. Preventive detention would only be considered acceptable if the individual is a threat to those around them. Any community-defense militias would be directly accountable to the commune for self-defense purposes without any special privileges. These militias are not enforcers with special rights standing above the people, instead they have the same rights as everyone else, operating as community self-defense, ensuring that no one is harmed, oppressed, or infringed upon. There are many historical examples showing that decentralized, community defense can effectively address safety and justice such as the neighborhood defense committees in Barcelona during the anarchist revolution and civil war.3.Transformative justice
Punishment has consistently failed as a tool for reducing violence. Instead, it reinforces systemic oppression, increases violence against targeted groups, and fosters resentment rather than meaningful change. Perpetrators often shift their harmful actions to hidden areas, like domestic violence, where they're less likely to be caught by repressing behaviors or black-market industries. Punishment pushes issues out of public view without addressing the root causes of antisocial behavior.Anarchist criminology rejects the traditional legal systems in favor of decentralized, participatory justice often in the form of Transformative justice. When someone, for example, breaks the code of conduct getting someone hurt, the case would be handled at the community level, focusing on the needs of those affected and the larger community. A community based approach where most people know and understand each other would ensure a careful and considerate way of handling these situations in a conflict resolution "legal system". There is a focus on understanding the contexts that enabled this harm to prevent any future incidents, on rehabilitation and on how the harm can be repaired. Transformative justice first was popularized by Queer, Black, Indigenous, and otherwise marginalized communities because they were unable to rely on the police and the courts to obtain justice after being victimized by interpersonal harm (such as hate crimes, sexual assaults, and domestic violence), it prioritizes the importance of relationships with oneself, one's community, and one's environment.

Why Do Most Anarchists Support Popular Councils/Assemblies & Direct Democracy?
Popular assemblies & council democracy as explained in Popular Councils offer an directly democratic, socialist approach to self-organization and decision-making that actually empowers the people, resolves conflicts peacefully and ensures responsive decision-making which is supported by most anarchists. For example anarchist David Graeber said- "Anarchy is democracy without the government." and argues that Anarchism is the most democratic system taking the ideas at the core of democracy - meaning collective deliberation based on full and equal participation, very seriously. Similary Edward Abbey argued that "Anarchism is democracy taken seriously."It is obvious that individuals must work together in order to lead a fully human life. And so, "having to join with others humans” the individual has three options: “ 1.he must submit to the will of others or 2.subject others to his will or 3.live with others in fraternal agreement in the interests of the greatest good of all. Nobody can escape from this necessity.”-Errico Malatesta.Anarchists obviously pick the last option, where individuals engage as equals, expressing themselves and developing their intellectual and ethical capacities. Direct democracy allows individuals to participate in decision-making, fostering autonomy and critical thought, unlike hierarchical systems.For anarchists, direct democracy usually means any form of direct voting based on full and equal participation within a free associations, which we see as essential for peoples self-management and free agreement. Some disagree with this definition and bring up semantics around democracy always being majoritarian because of they claim democracy strictly means "rule of the people" which was based on a historical misconception in the first place as the idea that democracy means "rule of the people" is false because "kratos" means "power" or "capacity". Therefore, demokratia is lacking in archy "arkhe" and even in pointless semantic discussions around the word aligns with the anarchist conception of "Power to the People," Democracy only became associated with "rule of the people" since it was used synonymously with republicanism between 18th- and 19th century."Democracy was not invented in ancient Greece. Granted, the word “democracy” was invented in ancient Greece —but largely by people who didn’t like the thing itself very much. Democracy was never really “invented” at all. Neither does it emerge from any particular intellectual tradition. It’s not even really a mode of government. In its essence it is just the belief that humans are fundamentally equal and ought to be allowed to manage their collective affairs in an egalitarian fashion, using whatever means appear most conducive. That, and the hard work of bringing arrangements based on those principles into being.In today’s North America, its anarchists - proponents of a political philosophy that has generally been opposed to governments of any sort - who actively try to develop and promote such democratic institutions. In a way the anarchist identification with this notion of democracy goes back a long way. In 1550, or even 1750, when both words were still terms of abuse, detractors often used “democracy” interchangeably with “anarchy”, - But while “democracy” gradually became something everyone felt they had to support (even as no one agreed on what precisely it was), “anarchy” took the opposite path, becoming for most a synonym for violent disorder. Actually the term means simply “without rulers”. Just as in the case of democracy, there are two different ways one could tell the history of anarchism. On the one hand, we could look at the history of the word “anarchism”, which was coined by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1840 and was adopted by a political movement in late-nineteenth-century Europe, becoming especially strongly established in Russia, Italy, and Spain, before spreading across the rest of the world; on the other hand, we could see it as a much broader political sensibility."This understanding follows the same logic we have on anarchism, meaning that Bakunin, Kropotkin, and others, did not invent the idea of anarchism, but, having discovered this broader phenomena among the masses, they merely helped refine and propagate it.Bertrand Russell observed that "anarchists organisations dislike the enforcement of decisions upon dissenters and instead, members of anarchist associations collectively define obligations, managing their own activities. These associations operate through assemblies where decisions are made collaboratively, ensuring laws can be revised as needed. Administrative tasks may be delegated to elected individuals with clearly defined, limited mandates. These delegates are recallable at all times and hold no personal power; their role is simply to relay proposals from their council and act as a conduit for the region's collective interest. They can be immediately recalled if they stray far from their directive, which is set by the council through an imperative mandate. This directive could outlines specific guidelines or instructions that delegates must adhere to, ensuring they remain accountable to the councils. Additionally, any outcomes from discussions at higher levels are shared with the community for review. This process ensures that all affected councils have a direct role in shaping decisions, while maintaining their autonomy."Anarchists use this bottom-up federalism to connect associations into federations. These relationships, like those within associations, are free and horizontal, maximizing participation and individual freedom.

Direct participation in the decision-making process of a community improves people's understanding of civic participation and the impact they can have on shaping their lives. These assemblies foster open dialogue and peaceful conflict resolution by promoting the exchange of ideas, compromise, and negotiation. This approach leads to decisions that are broadly supported, reducing division within the community while effectively addressing local projects and issues. The decision-making on local issues and projects also leads to more responsible and thoughtful choices, as the community is directly influenced by the consequences of their actions because of the proximity to the outcomes.Anarchist decision-making emphasizes avoiding both majoritarian and minority rule. As noted by Malatesta, anarchists prevent majoritarian rule by prioritizing consensus-building to achieve collective agreement; however, if consensus proves unattainable, they may employ supermajority voting to prevent minority rule. This approach minimizes the risk of bad-faith obstruction by a minority while preventing the tyranny of a simple majority.Some Individualist critics argue that direct democracy may still impose majority rule. However, this is unsubstantiated since anarchists emphasize the rights of minorities to dissent, withdraw, or protest.
“If the majority have acted in bad faith then the minority will have to take political action, including politically disobedient action if appropriate, to defend their citizenship and independence, and the political association itself… Political disobedience is merely one possible expression of the active citizenship on which a self-managing democracy is based … The social practice of promising involves the right to refuse or change commitments; similarly, the practice of self-assumed political obligation is meaningless without the practical recognition of the right of minorities to refuse or withdraw consent, or where necessary, to disobey.”

Councils should always strive for a directly democratic consensus when possible. Rejecting majority dominance and striving for consensus when possible facilitates the resolution of grievances and the creation of collectively decided solutions, while actively fostering solidarity. There are different possible ideas/conceptions of modified direct democracy out there that could be useful in reaching as high of a consensus as possible.

This specific proposal of how modified consensus could theoretically be organized comes from After the Revolution written by Daniel Baryon.

First, a resolution is presented by an individual in the democratic body. Following this, there is a discussion period about the resolution. After this discussion has concluded, the voters all place their first votes as a temperature check and the results are tallied. If the first vote comes to a 90% majority, the measure is passed and planning will begin.

If not, those who voted against the measure are asked to qualify their concerns into deal-breakers or non-deal-breakers. Those who have said that their grievances are not deal-breakers put their complaints into one of several categories and each category of complaint elects a delegate to plead their case.

After these delegates have each plead their case, voters are asked to weigh in on their agreement with the grievance and those with the grievance offer amendments that, if instituted, would garner their support. These friendly amendments are then voted on and a temperature check is taken to re-assess the status of consensus. If majority has now reached 90%, the motion is passed and planning will begin.If not, those who said that their grievance was a complete deal-breaker are asked to categorize their complaints and elect delegates to plead their case. Voters are then asked to weigh in on their agreement with these grievances and more amendments are gathered. If, after all amendments have been passed, turned down, or sustained, the majority has now reached 2/3, the motion is passed and planning will begin.

After passage, the minority enters into a contention process during the planning phase of the resolution, such that they might still have some recourse before the resolution is fully implemented. If, during this contention phase, the majority drops below 50%, the resolution is tabled or dismissed.

However, if the minority can’t reach a simple majority during planning and implementation, the resolution is carried forward. The body now elects a delegate or numerous delegates to carry out the implementation of the measure under the strict mandate of what was contained in it.

What a Libertarian Socialist Economy Looks Like
There are different models and proposals for how a libertarian socialist decentralized-planned economy could look like. The general concept is that the economic planning is based on a more bottom up model similar to the early management that could be seen in Anarchist Catalonia, rather than through a centralized state like for example in the USSR. Decentralized democratic planning give us more precision in aligning production with societal needs unlike market economies.
Markets, are driven by profit, consistently overproduce waste and fail to meet the even most essential human needs, leaving millions in deprivation while resources are squandered. Market systems externalize environmental costs, allowing corporations to pollute with impunity, devastating ecosystems and communities without accountability. This is easily preventable through democratic planning, since it ensures that those directly affected by production and environmental impacts have control, enabling rational, need-based allocation and strict pollution regulation. It is not just a less damaging alternative but its a demonstrably superior system for achieving efficiency, equity, and any actual long-term sustainability.Participatory Economics (Parecon) is a specific model for a decentralized-planned economic system that strives to build a democratic, cooperative society by decentralizing decision-making in the process of organizing production. Participatory Economics has quickly gained traction among the libertarian left as an alternative to both capitalist and centrally planned systems, offering a vision of an economy that empowers individuals and communities through collective decision-making by workers and consumers councils. The modern conception of Parecon is heavily associated with political theorist Michael Albert and economist Robin Hahnel, who describes participatory economics as "an anarchist economic vision."Anarchists, in common with all radical proponents of social change are justifiably wary of outlining any “Blueprint” for an anarchist society that would suggest that it is THE solution and should be followed to the letter. Any set of theoretical ideas about a new society and economy is only a model and we should all remain flexible in any approaches to its implementation. All of us together will ultimately decide co-operatively on which elements are worthy, which need to modified, and which may be discarded. So, this model is intended to be one possible structure to orient ourselves around.Alternative information/summary of Parecon can be found in this Video and this Overview Site.A participatory economy is organized around the social ownership of productive commons, federations of self-managing workplaces, and federations of self-governing communes. In this system, self-managing workplaces and communes work together to coordinate the use of society's resources. The resources used to produce goods and services are collectively owned by everyone in society, not by states or a small minority of private shareholders who gain disproportionate power and wealth. The knowledge, technology, and resources we inherit today are the result of thousands of years of collective human endeavor, and everyone deserves access to and the benefits of this shared heritage. This is what we call social ownership.Economic Councils:
Producer/Worker Councils - Industry Federation: Producer Councils are self-managed groups of workers who collectively oversee the production process, ensuring that goods and services are produced according to regional needs and in alignment with broader federation goals. These councils replace traditional top-down management structures, giving workers control over their work environment, income distribution, and division of labor. The councils would band together into a Industrly Federation(or Syndicalist union), ensuring that production meets the needs of society. They submit plans for the resources that they need and the goods and services they expect to produce to coordinate with the other councils.Consumer Councils - Consumers' Federation: Consumer Councils are regionally organized bodies where consumption needs are collectively determined and prioritize the distribution of goods and services based on equity and necessity. These councils operate as the primary decision-makers regarding consumption, establishing demands and submit plans for the goods and services they expect to consume that guide production at the regional and federation levels. For the federation level they would band together into a Consumers Federation. Consumers' Federation(Consumer Councils) coordinate with Industry Federation(Workers Councils) to ensure that economic activity aligns with community needs, and they send representatives to higher-level councils for broader decision-making on public goods and services.Economic Councils & Federation Assembly:
Each region has its own economic councils i.e. the Producer/Worker Councils and the Consumer Councils that are integrated into broader networks across regions. In this model, regional economies will manage local production and distribution, with each region forming interconnected nodes within a wider federation. Councils are responsible for planning, production, and distribution within their own region, managing everyday needs like food, housing, healthcare, and public services. The Industry Federation coordinates production within specific industries across regions, ensuring efficiency and resource alignment. Regional councils collaborate through a Economic Councils Assembly(of Consumers Federation & Indistry Federation), which facilitates coordination between regions and sectors, maintaining a decentralized yet cohesive economic structure. They manage inter-community resource allocation, large-scale infrastructure projects, and regional resources thru annual, decentralized democratic planning process called participatory planning.Production and External Resources:
Each regions Producer/Worker & Consumer Council creates a production and distribution plan based on local needs and resources, ensuring that it aligns with residents' needs. Planning would involve assessment where each sector (agriculture, healthcare, industry) presents its anticipated needs and available resources. Resources produced locally (such as food or energy) are first allocated to meet community needs, and any surplus is made available for exchange with other communities or stored for emergencies. Regions could use software or simple planning tools to track resources, project demand, and manage inventory, allowing them to make adjustments based on actual needs. Producer/Worker Councils submit plans for the resources that they need and the goods and services they expect to produce for the year ahead including any expected pollution emitted. Consumer councils submit plans for the goods and services they expect to consume information is then updated and plans are revised over a series of rounds until a feasible plan for the year ahead is set. Producer/Consumer Council would first approve the economic plans made at the level of the Economic Councils Assembly. Any exchange from a outside capitalist market (e.g., materials, equipment, food) which depending on the context of a revolutionary society might end up being necessary, should be limited to what the region or larger federation cannot produce itself. These exchanges if they are neccecary could be planned and managed through the Economic Councils Assembly to ensure they align with the needs and priorities of the federation. To address the challenge of speculative pricing driven by external markets, a community in a decentralized, planned economy could focus on forming local trade agreements to bypass the profit-driven forces of large-scale agricultural producers. By pooling resources and focusing more on local, sustainable production, these initiatives would create a buffer against federation external price fluctuations, ensuring more stable resource access.Inter-Commune Exchange and Coordination:
In a participatory economy, the inter-commune exchange of goods and services would be be coordinated through a Economic Councils Assembly. Each council will propose what they intend to produce, what they need from others, and how resources could best be distributed. Coordination mechanisms will ensure that regions do not overproduce or underproduce certain goods. Importantly, this system rejects the commodification of goods and services; everything produced is aimed at meeting human needs, not maximizing profit. Through transparent process, each region’s needs and surplus in communicated to distribute resources to communities in need, prioritizing areas with demand. For high-value or specialized goods (like medical equipment or machinery), a Economic Councils Assembly could maintain a inventory and facilitate exchange.All decisions, resource allocations, and exchange transactions of producer/consumer councils would be documented and openly discussed in delegation votes. Everyone can access this information to verify that decisions align with their interests, keeping both the region level and the Economic Councils Assemblies accountable. This also includes all economic transactions, especially exchanges with the external market. A Economic Assembly, meeting frequently open to all regional delegates, where they review performance, identify issues, and propose changes to exchange policies. Community feedback mechanisms allow residents to submit concerns through their local councils, ensuring that the Assembly remains grounded in the needs of its member communities.Assembly of Councils of the Federation:
While local producer/consumer councils maintain autonomy, the Economic Councils Assembly of the Industry & Consumers Federation would facilitate the sharing of resources and organize commune collective initiatives. This participation is voluntary but encouraged through solidarity but also regional relations including economic means like reciprocated sharing of resources and economic inclusion. The delegation process would work to align the economic interests of each commune with the collective good, providing a platform for collaboration on larger-scale projects and resource allocation. The Economic Councils Assembly would oversee the coordinated distribution of surplus resources between communes experiencing scarcity, ensuring that food, medicine, and other essentials are equitably shared, especially during crises or when certain regions face shortages. When it comes to external exchanges from global markets, if that ends up being necessary, the Economic Councils Assembly would play a critical role in planning these transactions so trade aligns with the common needs, rather than individual communes acting in isolation, which could lead to competition or imbalance. The federation could negotiate trade agreements with global suppliers, pooling resources and collective bargaining power to secure the best terms for all communes involved, preventing any single commune from becoming overly reliant on external markets or engaging in transactions that undermine the principles of mutual aid. Rather than simply reacting to market forces, regions could collectively plan external exchanges, ensuring that they meet long-term goals. This includes bulk purchases, collective investment in necessary technologies, and securing stable prices for essential goods.

LIBERTARIAN SOCIALIST MEDIA

• Anarchist News Sources List

Anarchist Video- Media

Recommended Videos for Newcomers

Anarchist Channels

ANARCHIST LITERATURE

Political Theorists Library

Modern Contributors

Anarchist Currents

History literature

• A Brief History of Popular Assemblies and Worker Councils
• Breaking the Chains: A History of Anarchism
• The Bolshevik Myth
• The Anarchist Collectives (Spanish Revolution)
• THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION by Rosa Luxemburg
• Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution
• Kronstadt 1921: An Analysis of Bolshevik Propaganda
• 1919: When the Bolsheviks Turned on the Workers
• The Russian Counterrevolution
• Cuban Anarchism: The History of A Movement
• Manifesto of the Makhnovists

Measuring Hierarchy

(This work introduces a new method for measuring and comparing hierarchies, offering a clear, mathematical approach that works across different fields and sizes of hierarchies)

• "Measuring Hierarchy" by Oriol Carbonell-Nicolau

Economic literature - Reading list

Anti-Capitalist
(A simple anti-capitalist starter text.)

• The Capitalist System by Bakunin

Marxist Economics
(A summary of Capital that has been approved by Marx.)

• Karl Marx’s Capital Summary by Cafiero

Capital as Power Economics
A post-Marxist economic theory that closely aligns with a anarchist analysis.
CasP offers a critical perspective on capitalism, emphasizing the role of power dynamics in economic processes, distinct from both mainstream and Marxist economic theories.

(A CasP primer pre-text for the full following economic text.)

• Capital as Power: Toward a New Cosmology of Capitalism by Bichler/Nitzan

(Full CasP economic theory.)

• Capital as Power: A Study of Order and Creorder by Bichler/Nitzan

• CasP News & Discussion Website

Libertarian Socialist Economy

• Parecon: life after capitalism

• Parecon Org.
• Parecon Info Site

SPREAD THE WORD!

Material for posters, stickers, flyers.
Dowload it here: Poster-1 & Poster-2 & Poster-3

Note About This Website:
This is a collaborative project by a small group of Anarchist-Communists and -Syndicalists.We started working on this website to make it easy for non-anarchists to get started and help new anarchists dig deeper into their journey. Whether you're just curious or looking to learn more, we hope you found this site helpful.Our site draws heavily on the german anarchist website anarchismus.de
and our summary is heavily based on and sourced from Black Rose Federation & The Anarchist FAQ.Additional elements were directly used from Means and Ends The Revolutionary Practice of Anarchism in Europe and the United States , The State is Counter-Revolutionary , Building Dual Power , The Democracy Project, and more classical anarchist works.
-Please send any translation errors, linking errors, complaints or suggestions to-
[email protected]-Legal Disclaimer: This website presents theoretical discussions on anarchist theory and history. It is not a call to action or encouragement of illegal activities. The content is for educational purposes only.

-Mikhail Bakunin

Anarchist History And movement

Anarchist History And movement

Anarchist Foundations Overview:

Principles and Praxis of Libertarian Socialism

Democracy does not mean "rule of the people." This perception was based on a historical misconception as the idea that democracy means "rule of the people" is false because "kratos" means "power" or "capacity". Therefore, demokratia is lacking in archy "arkhe" - Democracy became associated with "rule of the people" since it was used synonymously with republicanism between 18th- and 19th century.-"Democracy was not invented in ancient Greece. Granted, the word “democracy” was invented in ancient Greece —but largely by people who didn’t like the thing itself very much. Democracy was never really “invented” at all. Neither does it emerge from any particular intellectual tradition. It’s not even really a mode of government. In its essence it is just the belief that humans are fundamentally equal and ought to be allowed to manage their collective affairs in an egalitarian fashion, using whatever means appear most conducive. That, and the hard work of bringing arrangements based on those principles into being. - Just as in the case of democracy, there are two different ways one could tell the history of anarchism. On the one hand, we could look at the history of the word “anarchism”, which was coined by Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1840 and was adopted by a political movement in late-nineteenth-century Europe, becoming especially strongly established in Russia, Italy, and Spain, before spreading across the rest of the world; on the other hand, we could see it as a much broader political sensibility."This similar to how many see anarchism. Meaning the perception that Bakunin, Kropotkin, and others, did not invent the idea of anarchism, but, having discovered this broader phenomena among the masses, they merely helped refine and propagate it.

[ Updates and news on the situation of the revolutionary project of Rojava. ]

Conventional theories of capitalism are mired in a deep crisis: after centuries of debate, they are still unable to tell us what capital is. Liberals and Marxists think of capital as an economic entity that they count in universal units of utils and abstract labor, respectively. But these units are totally fictitious: they can be neither observed nor measured. They don’t exist. And since liberalism and Marxism depend on these non-existing units, their theories hang in suspension. They cannot explain the process that matters most – the accumulation of capital.This breakdown is no accident. Every mode of power evolves together with its dominant theories and ideologies. In capitalism, these theories and ideologies originally belonged to the study of political economy – the first mechanical science of society. But the capitalist mode of power kept changing, and as the power underpinnings of capital became increasingly visible, the science of political economy disintegrated. By the late nineteenth century, with dominant capital having taken command, political economy was bifurcated into two distinct spheres: economics and politics. And in the twentieth century, when the power logic of capital had already penetrated every corner of society, the remnants of political economy were further fractured into mutually distinct social sciences. Nowadays, capital reigns supreme – yet social scientists have been left with no coherent framework to account for it.The theory of Capital as Power offers a unified alternative to this fracture. It argues that capital is not a narrow economic entity, but a symbolic quantification of power. Capital has little to do with utility or abstract labor, and it extends far beyond machines and production lines. Most broadly, it represents the organized power of dominant capital groups to reshape – or creorder – their society.This view leads to a different cosmology of capitalism. It offers a new theoretical framework for capital based on the twin notions of dominant capital and differential accumulation, a new conception of the state of capital and a new history of the capitalist mode of power. It also introduces new empirical research methods – including new categories; new ways of thinking about, relating and presenting data; new estimates and measurements; and, finally, the beginning of a new, disaggregate accounting that reveals the conflictual dynamics of society.

Capitalism isn’t selfish profit seeking its social control."if we treat capital as a human mega-machine, a structure of social control, capitalization and re-capitalization become possible as business organizations adapt to and change reality"

Capitalists raise prices, not during times of growth and stability, but instead, wait for the cover of stagnation and crisis. Thus obfuscating the source of inflation, while economists advocate for raising interest rates to sabotage employment.

By fusing previously distinct earning streams, amalgamation contributes to the organized power of dominant capital, regardless of whether or not it augments the more conventional rates of return."

"In order for power to successfully harness, contain and, if necessary, crush resistance, the powerful must constantly restrict, limit and inhibit the autonomy of those with less or no power."

-- no unified economics analysis - common labor theory of values --- alternatives & critiques of marxist labor theory --- ancom inflcue marxism -- every theorsit diverge --- ovlep with marxism --- post-marxsit analyis CasPIt argues that capital is not a narrow economic entity, but a symbolic quantification of powerThe Capital as Power (CasP) framework, developed by Shimshon Bichler and Jonathan Nitzan, offers a groundbreaking approach to understanding capitalism by redefining capital as a measure of power rather than as a stock of economic resources. This theory challenges traditional economic paradigms—both neoclassical and Marxist—arguing that they fail to capture the true nature of capital and its role in shaping society.
Capital as a Quantification of PowerAt its core, CasP views capital as a symbolic quantification of power. Unlike conventional perspectives that see capital as tangible assets (e.g., machinery, labor, or money), Bichler and Nitzan argue that it represents the capacity of capitalists to control and reshape societal and economic structures. Capital, therefore, is not just economic wealth but a reflection of the broader institutional and social hierarchies through which power is exerted.
Differential Accumulation: Power Through ComparisonA key concept in CasP is differential accumulation, which describes how dominant capital groups aim to increase their power relative to others. Rather than simply seeking absolute growth, capitalists focus on outperforming competitors to enhance their standing in the capitalist hierarchy. This process highlights that success in capitalism is fundamentally about gaining a larger share of power, not just creating more wealth.
Regimes of Differential AccumulationBichler and Nitzan identify four primary strategies through which differential accumulation occurs:Internal Breadth: Consolidating power through mergers and acquisitions within existing markets.
External Breadth: Expanding into new markets by building new facilities or products.
Internal Depth: Increasing profitability by reducing costs, such as through labor exploitation or efficiency measures.
External Depth: Leveraging economic or political crises to raise prices relative to competitors, a process often linked to stagflation.These regimes highlight how accumulation strategies vary based on the broader context of competition and societal dynamics.
Creorder: The Creation and Reordering of SocietyThe concept of creorder (a blend of "create" and "order") reflects the ongoing process through which dominant capital groups reshape societal structures to maintain and expand their power. This involves not just economic activities but also the manipulation of cultural, political, and ideological systems. In essence, capitalists perpetually reorganize society in ways that secure their dominance, even in the face of resistance or systemic change.
Sabotage and Power MaintenanceBichler and Nitzan emphasize that capitalists maintain power through strategic sabotage. This doesn't mean outright destruction but includes actions like limiting production, creating artificial scarcities, influencing legislation, or restricting access to certain resources. These strategies ensure that capitalists retain their position of dominance by shaping market conditions in their favor.Critique of Traditional TheoriesCasP critiques both neoclassical and Marxist economic theories for their reliance on abstract and unrealistic models. Neoclassical economics focuses on utility, while Marxist economics emphasizes labor value. Bichler and Nitzan argue that both fail to address the fundamental role of power in shaping economic systems. By redefining capital as a manifestation of power, CasP provides a more comprehensive lens to analyze real-world dynamics.
Implications for Understanding Capitalism
Critique of Marxist TheoryBichler and Nitzan critique Marxist theory, particularly its focus on labor value as the basis for understanding capital. While Marx sees capital as derived from the exploitation of labor and rooted in production, the CasP framework challenges this view by arguing that capital is primarily a mechanism of power and control, not a direct reflection of labor or material production.They assert that Marx’s focus on the labor theory of value reduces the complexity of capitalism to a narrow economic framework, missing the broader sociopolitical dynamics through which power operates. For Bichler and Nitzan, the key to understanding capitalism lies in examining the relationships and structures that enable dominant capital groups to assert control over society, rather than in the quantification of labor embedded in commodities.This critique reframes the discussion of capital, shifting the emphasis from production and surplus value to the institutional and symbolic systems that sustain and expand power within capitalist systems.The CasP framework fundamentally redefines the way we understand key aspects of capitalism:Corporate Strategies: Activities like mergers, acquisitions, and monopolization are seen as efforts to consolidate power rather than merely economic efficiency.
Economic Crises: Financial downturns, stagflation, and systemic shocks are interpreted as power struggles between dominant capital groups.
Globalization: The integration of global markets reflects a strategy to expand and solidify the power of dominant capitalists across borders.A Holistic Perspective on CapitalismBy treating capital as a measure of power, CasP integrates economic, political, and cultural dimensions into a single framework. It provides tools to understand the intersection of markets, governance, and societal control, highlighting the inseparability of economic and political power in modern capitalism.For a more detailed exploration of their ideas, their seminal book Capital as Power: A Study of Order and Creorder serves as an essential resource.

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Anti & Alter-globalization
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if u somehow foound this part of the page... how? but also ur a real one frfr